HomeBernie Sanders2/2 News Roundup – Sanders’ ‘State Of The Climate’ Address, Four Environmental Defenders Killed Per Week In 2017 & More
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I have largely avoided writing about Michigan’s gubernatorial this cycle. We interviewed both Gretchen Whitmer and Abdul El-Sayed on The Sit and Spin Room podcast early on but I have been watching the primary unfold without saying much. Partly because it’s so early and partly because I haven’t been “wowed” by any of the campaigns.

However, this week, the campaign took an ugly turn when Abdul El-Sayed’s campaign took an article in Bridge raising questions about his eligibility to run for governor and turned it into an opportunity to attack his fellow Democrats with what I find to be shockingly offensive hyperbole.

I have no opinion on this, just letting you know whats going on



ON THE SAME day that he unveiled an urban agenda that highlights public transportation, affordable housing, and criminal justice reform, Michigan gubernatorial candidate Abdul El-Sayed came under fire in what he has described as a “birther”-like campaign questioning his eligibility to run for governor.


I personally am glad that El-Sayed is fighting back and wonder if the writer of the piece really and truly thinks that Whitmer’s campaign had nothing to do with the controversy over El-Sayed’s eligibility. That doesn’t pass the smell test to me.

And now the questions about whether or not El-Sayed lied about his efforts to vote in 2016? (and the implication that if he didn’t lie then he’s unqualified due to his confusion about where he was registered) I’ve been around long enough to be suspicious of those casting shade on a particular political candidate.

The whole piece is worth a read if for no other reason to “know whats going on”.

Thanks la58.


Some background on the writer, he is the chair of the. http://www.washtenawdems.org/about-us/officers-and-executive-board/


I saw Gaba’s face on Eclectablog’s home page and it gave me bad flashbacks of TOP.

Also, there’s a twitter feed on the right side from an account known as @LOLGOP that I’m guessing must be run by the blog (lists Ann Arbor as its location) that is heavy on Trump/Russia and depressingly short on Dem policy ideas/plans.


wow. you interview candidates, lala? cool!!!! sorry to hear about El-Sayed. He must feel like he has to fight back, but always a bummer when a pol goes negative. I’ll have to read more.



Since taking office, Trump has targeted investigators, and other law-enforcement officials. He fired Acting Attorney General Sally Yates, who had informed him of Gen. Mike Flynn’s vulnerability to potential Russian blackmail. He ousted US Attorney Preet Bharara in New York (along with all the other Obama-appointed US Attorneys), who had overseen New York real-estate fraud and money-laundering investigations. He demanded FBI Director James Comey’s political loyalty, asked Comey to go easy on Flynn, and then fired Comey over, as Trump famously said on national television, “this Russia thing with Trump and Russia.” He made inappropriate requests of CIA Director Mike Pompeo, Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats, and NSA Director Mike Rogers, seeking their help in winding down the FBI investigation. He pressured his own attorney general, Jeff Sessions, not to recuse himself from the Russia inquiry, sharply criticized Sessions when he did, and then repeatedly slammed Sessions via Twitter and in media interviews, at one point indicating that he wanted Sessions gone. He repeatedly attacked Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein, who has overseen the Russia inquiry since Sessions’s recusal. Last week, reports surfaced that Trump wants to get rid of Rosenstein, too. And Trump has explicitly attacked the entire FBI, saying that it’s “in tatters”—which received strong pushback from the man Trump himself appointed to lead the bureau, Director Christopher Wray. Wray himself threatened to resign over Trump’s uncalled-for attacks against the now-departed Deputy Director McCabe.

To most observers, Trump’s actions amount to a massive campaign to obstruct justice, one of the counts that Mueller is charged with looking into. Never before in American political history—not during Watergate, not during the Iran/Contra investigation in the 1980s, and not during the 1990s special prosecutor’s investigation of Whitewater—has a president so openly challenged the legitimacy of the entire justice system. Others have questioned the interpretation and meaning of evidence, but Trump and his GOP allies—backed in the right-wing media by the likes of Sean Hannity and Rush Limbaugh—have disparaged the patriotism, political neutrality, and professionalism of the entire US Justice Department, including the FBI, as well as the US intelligence community.


There will be a backlash/blowback on these Mussolini fascists. The scary question now is how violent will it be?


What’s so amazing about the Republican attacks on the FBI is that it has always been a Republican leaning organization. There has never been a Dem FBI director

Don midwest
Don midwest

yes, but more of a criminal gang than in the past

FBI can look the other way most of the time, but this gang does too much to hide

and anytime there might be more leaks about what the gang has done


I wonder what J. Edgar Hoover would’ve done with this? He had files on anyone of interest.



White House aides recognize there could be a high cost to President Trump’s decision to allow — with no redactions — release of that classified memo about the Russian investigation.

The White House plans to dress up the decision by arguing that it’s an action of “transparency.” But this puts President Trump publicly crossways with both the intelligence community and the FBI — not a place you want to be.

And then there’s the lead-balloon factor: Axios scooped yesterday that many in the White House think the memo will be a dud — hardly delivering on the expectations that Fox’s Sean Hannity and others on the right have whipped up with the online #ReleaseTheMemo frenzy.

So with no slam dunk, there could also be a political cost.
An administration source said last night: “Some back and forth on whether to actually do it. If it really is a dud and the memo really doesn’t say a hell of a lot, why would you risk pissing off [FBI Director Christopher] Wray?”

That West Wing fear syncs with a claim by Rep. Adam Schiff, the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, who said at an Axios event that the memo will be a letdown for the right — containing nothing that obviously invalidates the investigation or would cause anyone to get fired.

And the policy price … The Boston Globe front-pages: “The hot topic at congressional Republicans’ annual policy retreat … is not infrastructure, immigration, or even tax cuts — it’s ‘The Memo.'”


Oh joy

The White House has grown frustrated in recent weeks by what it considers the Pentagon’s reluctance to provide President Trump with options for a military strike against North Korea, according to officials, the latest sign of a deepening split in the administration over how to confront the nuclear-armed regime of Kim Jong-un.

The national security adviser, Lt. Gen. H. R. McMaster, believes that for Mr. Trump’s warnings to North Korea to be credible, the United States must have well-developed military plans, according to those officials.

But the Pentagon, they say, is worried that the White House is moving too hastily toward military action on the Korean Peninsula that could escalate catastrophically. Giving the president too many options, the officials said, could increase the odds that he will act.


Maybe they should show him “Wargames” and The Day After for starters.


At Least 17 Democratic Socialists Seek Office in Texas

The revolution will be down-ballot. Or such is the implicit promise of Franklin Bynum’s campaign for Harris County misdemeanor court judge. A 35-year-old former public defender, Bynum said he’s seen Houston’s criminal courts routinely railroad the poor into convictions that drive them further into poverty. Now, after nearly 10 years subject to the whims of conservative judges, he’s aiming to take the gavel for himself.

“Who are these courts being operated for? Right now, it’s the police, the bondsmen and the prosecutors, and people are just the raw material to be chewed up,” said Bynum, who’s running as a Democrat for Harris County Criminal Court at Law 8. Bynum’s platform includes expanding the use of personal recognizance bonds, waiving certain fees for the poor and reducing mandatory appearances, which he said are used only to “coerce” guilty pleas from defendants out on bail. “A democratic socialist judge would make the courts work for the people,” he said.

Bynum is one of at least 17 members of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) running for office in Texas in 2018, including candidates for the U.S. House and offices ranging from governor to county treasurer. The DSA, which now counts more than 30,000 members nationwide, has grown explosively since Trump’s election and boasts at least 10 chapters in Texas. The group tends to prioritize issues on the left edge of the Democratic Party, like single-payer health care and a $15 minimum wage. There’s no official candidate list, but the Observer reached out to DSA groups around the state to compile this running tally. (Not all the candidates have been endorsed by DSA.)



AT LEAST SIX progressive insurgents managed to out-raise their establishment Democratic opponents in House races in the final quarter of 2017, a stunning development that threatens to upend the way the party goes about selecting candidates.

The fundraising upsets reflect a burst of progressive energy that is also powering Democrats more broadly. Rep. Beto O’Rourke, D-Texas, challenging Ted Cruz, once again out-raised the Texas senator. The National Journal counted some 30 Democrats out-raised incumbent Republicans this past quarter.

In House races across the country, the Democratic Party has endorsed or given support to particular candidates in competitive primaries, helping them raise big money from corporate PACs and high net-worth donors en route to amassing a war chest capable of taking on Republicans. That strategy, as The Intercept reported last week, shapes the kinds of candidates that end up representing the party, and the issues they focus on in Washington.

Among Democrats in Washington, the conversation around money and politics is one of lament. Big money, it is widely agreed, is corrupting to democracy, and pushes politics in an unpleasant direction. But money is an essential part of the game, so until a new system is created, it just is what it is. Money talks, in other words, and bullshit walks.

But a rival strategy, first attempted by the Howard Dean presidential campaign, then adopted in part by Barack Obama, and later in full by Bernie Sanders, is now going local, fueled by second-generation national online groups like the Progressive Change Campaign Committee, Democracy for America, and MoveOn, as well as new ones, such as Our Revolution and Justice Democrats. In short, candidates who campaign on populist, progressive platforms find grassroots supporters who can collectively rival the corporate donors who have powered the party for so long.


that’s what i’m talkin’ ’bout!



Miracles aside, El Paso congressman Beto O’Rourke will need all the help he can get to beat incumbent Republican Sen. Ted Cruz in November.

O’Rourke is indeed getting a push from numerous pop-up, grassroots groups across the state, some that organized even before his Senate bid began.

Such is the case with DFW for Beto, an outfit that in the past year has planned numerous campaign events, registered hundreds of voters and worked to mobilize North Texas residents to sweep the underdog candidate into the Senate.

“We didn’t start it. We didn’t ask anybody to start it. They did it, and they are running their own show,” O’Rourke told The Dallas Morning News. “They have already decided that this is the year. They will not be on the sidelines for this. They will get involved.”

It’s more than luck.

O’Rourke’s chances of unseating Cruz rest with the extraordinary volunteer army that has been hastily amassed throughout the state.

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