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Lol @ the picture

Sanders leads primary field in North Carolina, Texas, Klobuchar has edge in Minnesota

Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) leads the Democratic 2020 primary field in the Super Tuesday states of North Carolina and Texas, while Sen. Amy Klobuchar leads in her home state of Minnesota, according to new polls released Thursday by the University of Massachusetts Lowell.

Sanders registered the support of 23 percent of likely voters in North Carolina, followed by former New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg with 19 percent, former Vice President Joe Biden with 16 percent, Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) with 13 percent and former South Bend, Ind., Mayor Pete Buttigieg with 10 percent.

Sanders has a slightly narrower lead in Texas, garnering the support of 23 percent of likely voters there, trailed by Biden with 20 percent and Bloomberg with 18 percent. Warren has 14 percent in the Lone Star State with no other 2020 Democrat breaking double digits in the poll.

The polls show Sanders is continuing to ride his momentum after strong showings in Iowa and New Hampshire. Polls show the Vermont lawmaker is set to rake in a good chunk of delegates in the 15 Super Tuesday states and territories, including in North Carolina and Texas, which offer 110 and 228 pledged delegates, respectively.

“These polls cement Bernie Sanders’s status as the national front-runner. Moving from state to state, he is competing with different candidates for first place, but his campaign and place atop the rankings is ubiquitous. He will win delegates everywhere. It is indeed hard to imagine a scenario where the primary ends and he doesn’t have the most delegates if this trend continues,” said Joshua Dyck, director of the Center for Public Opinion and associate professor of political science at UMass Lowell.


Weekend with Bernie: Sanders in Texas for four rallies ending in Austin

Bernie Sanders, who brought his front-running Democratic presidential campaign to Mesquite last Friday, will be back in Texas for rallies in El Paso and San Antonio on Saturday and Houston and Austin on Sunday.

The two-day swing is a sign of the importance Sanders is placing on Texas’ March 3 Super Tuesday primary when it will be the second-biggest prize after California. He will be in Texas even as Democratic voters are caucusing Saturday in Nevada, the next crucial contest.

The Austin rally will be at 5 p.m. at Vic Mathias Shores, previously known as Auditorium Shores, at 900 W Riverside Drive.

Doors open at 3:00 p.m. It is free and open to the public. Tickets are not required, but an RSVP is encouraged. Entrance is provided on a first-come, first-served basis. Parking is limited. Guests are encouraged to walk, bike or use public transportation or rideshare apps.

The Saturday rally in El Paso will be at 2 p.m. at the Abraham Chavez Theatre.

That evening, at 7 p.m. Sanders will be at the Cowboys Dance Hall, 3030 NE Interstate 410 Loop, San Antonio. Doors open at 5:00 p.m.

The Houston rally will be at 1 p.m. Sunday at the University of Houston Fertitta Center.


Got a Bernie Meetup 2/25. It will be phone banking which I’m not good at, but there is always plenty else to do. I can not believe the number of events scheduled for my neck of the woods. Light-years difference from 4 years ago!! 🙂

Aint Supposed to Die A Natural Death
Aint Supposed to Die A Natural Death

I’m driving to SC this evening to canvass for Bernie this weekend. My canvassing partner from 2016 is driving in from TN and we’ll work together again. Looking forward to it.



But now, that seems to be changing — and it may be the surest sign yet that the train is leaving the station for any of Sanders’ rivals to blunt his momentum heading into Nevada, South Carolina and the diverse Super Tuesday states.

A new NBC News/Wall Street Journal oversample of black voters finds that Sanders now essentially enjoys the same level of support as Biden among black Democratic primary voters, with each getting the backing of about a third, while no other Democratic candidate comes anywhere close to that.

In fact, the only other candidate demonstrating even a small sign of traction nationally among black primary voters appears to be former NYC Mayor Mike Bloomberg, and we’ll note that the poll was in the field before his pummeling over the stop-and-frisk policy on the debate stage Wednesday night.

What’s more, all registered black voters express about the same level of comfort about Sanders as they do about Biden.

A combined 65 percent are either enthusiastic (20 percent) or comfortable (45 percent) with Sanders, while a combined 30 percent express some discomfort. For Biden, it’s a combined 69 percent either enthusiastic (16 percent) or comfortable (53 percent), with 28 percent feeling more negative.

Much of Sanders’ strength here has to do with the same generational differences that we’ve seen among the electorate at large. The lion’s share of Sanders’ support among black primary voters comes from his standing with those under 50, while Biden gets by far the largest share of older African Americans.

By the way, the new numbers from the NBC/WSJ poll dovetail with some other data we saw yesterday: a new Winthrop University poll of South Carolina primary voters that found Sanders cutting Biden’s lead in the state to just five points.


No country has a limitless supply of doctors, nurses, and hospitals. Decent, humane countries allocate their health resources according to need — very sick or injured people get first priority, while those with non-emergency conditions or recommended tests might have to wait awhile. In the United States today, rich people can get all the care they want, even if it’s pointless or elective, because they can use their money to cut to the front of the line, while poor and working-class people routinely have to wait for months or simply go without.

So while a Sanders bill would probably not cause an explosion of health care use, it might cause some wealthier people to wait longer than they usually do. Insofar as that becomes a problem, we should increase the supply of providers, especially doctors. The U.S. currently has only 2.3 doctors per 1,000 residents — about a quarter fewer than Norway, a third fewer than France, and less than half as many as Cuba. We could surely use a couple hundred thousand more physicians — and if their pay was more in line with international norms, it wouldn’t even cost much.

But that’s a question for the future. At bottom, the research is clear: Medicare-for-all would save the United States money, probably quite a lot, and save tens of thousands of lives. Once a baseline of universal coverage is established, we can start fixing up the rest of the health care system. With some time and effort, Americans could have their health care cake and eat it too.


‘Tamales for Tío Bernie’: Sanders’ outreach to Latino voters pays off

Violeta Alvarez is so passionate about Bernie Sanders that she becomes emotional talking about the white, 78-year-old senator from Vermont, a state 3,000 miles from this sun-drenched California enclave.

“This is the first time in my life I’ve seen a presidential candidate reaching out to the city of Bell, this small community,” said Alvarez, a 53-year-old volunteer organizer, pointing to goose bumps breaking out on her arm.

Sanders’ campaign hopes efforts in communities like Bell, a working-class, mainly Latino city of 35,000 people near Los Angeles, could be his path to the Democratic Party’s nomination to take on Republican President Donald Trump in November.

The Sanders campaign says it has prioritized outreach to Hispanic communities that often feel left out of the U.S. political process. Polls suggest that is paying off in important early states with large Latino populations, notably Nevada, which holds its caucuses on Saturday; and Texas and California, where votes are cast on March 3.

Sanders has the support of 29% of Hispanic voters nationwide, the most of any Democratic presidential candidate, according to Reuters/Ipsos polling between Jan. 22 and Feb 10. New polling released on Thursday by Monmouth University showed Sanders leading his closest rival in California, former Vice President Joe Biden, by seven percentage points thanks to predicted high turnout among Latinos.

These voters have been drawn to Sanders amid a field of Democrats that included candidates with closer personal ties to Latino communities, including Julián Castro, a former housing secretary of Mexican descent from Texas who dropped out of the race in January.

Sanders, who is Jewish, has drawn on his own origin story to explain his immigration policies, including plans to break up the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency that Trump has wielded against undocumented immigrants.


Highest positives for Bernie in this poll

Seventy-four percent of Democratic voters say they have a favorable opinion of Sanders, while 67% say that of former Vice President Joe Biden, 64% for Warren, and 58% for former South Bend, Indiana Mayor Pete Buttigieg. About half of Democrats express favorable opinions of billionaire Mike Bloomberg and Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar, while nearly 4 in 10 say they have a positive opinion of billionaire Tom Steyer.

Many Democratic voters say they don’t know enough to have an opinion of many of the candidates, including Steyer (52%), Klobuchar (39%), Buttigieg (28%), Bloomberg (25%) and Warren (16%).

But about 2 in 10 Democrats express negative opinions of Biden, Bloomberg, Warren and Sanders.




Get that nauseating $hrill off my lawn/out of my head!! T and R, Benny!! 🙂


looks like they’ve been thick as thieves for a while, now. clever.


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The only thing $hill is progressive about is increasing her bank account, the rest of us not so much.


California is the largest prize in the calculations of any Democratic presidential candidate, and Bernie Sanders has been working the state for months, worrying his rivals.

Sanders has been organizing intensively among Latinos and young voters, producing campaign materials in seven languages, going, as one aide said, “where most candidates don’t go.” Mike Bloomberg has tried to counter Sanders with saturation advertising, including buying time at television stations in Arizona, Nevada and Oregon that also reach California. Pete Buttigieg held three public events in the past week to capitalize on his early state momentum. Joe Biden and Elizabeth Warren remain competitive.

The attention reflects a growing concern among Sanders’ rivals that if he performs well enough in the state, with its 415 delegates at stake on Super Tuesday, March 3, that he could build a delegate lead that is difficult to catch.

Sanders’ campaign has long counted California as important, deploying more than 80 staff here last year and sending Sanders regularly. He’ll hold two rallies Friday in heavily Latino areas, on top of an event earlier this week in the San Francisco Bay Area, a Democratic stronghold rich with delegates.

He’s running television ads in every market. Campaign staffers were out just days after ballots dropped on Feb. 3, knocking on doors offering to collect them, a legal practice in California, and his events have booths set up to collect them. And he is trying to show that organizing can be more potent that TV ads.

Rafael Návar, Sanders’ state director, said the campaign believes he will win delegates in every congressional district.

“We’ve prioritized where most presidential campaigns don’t go,” he said.


The Sanders campaign sees the worries about his general election prospects as hysterical speculation, pointing to national polls that routinely show Sanders running as strong as any of the candidates in a head-to-head match-up with Trump.

Meanwhile, Sanders is motoring along and aiming to bolster his front-runner status with a victory in Nevada on Saturday.

A victory here could showcase Sanders’s diverse coalition, which increasingly includes a large share of Latino voters.

The Vermont senator is projecting confidence and will not spend caucus day in the state. Following a rally in California on Friday, Sanders will head to Texas for rallies in San Antonio and El Paso.


That there is no valid parallel to be made between Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump is, in this sense, precisely the reason why that comparison has been made, in increasingly overt and desperate ways, in recent weeks. The comparison isn’t about the few things that Sanders and Trump have in common, which amount to tri-state accents abrasive enough to cut glass and the fact that both have been saying the same things over and over again for decades. Even on that last point, though, the difference between the two is both obvious and telling. Sanders has been assailing the cultural and political violence that follows economic inequality and unfettered capitalism for his entire adult life; Trump has been roughly as consistent pushing the line that various swimsuit models “were very interested” upon meeting Trump in the VIP area at the China Club during Ronald Reagan’s second term. Each holds well-attended rallies; Sanders’s are pitched at people otherwise outside politics, where Trump’s are merely styled that way. Both aspire to be elected president of the United States later this year. But the two are not the same, or similar.

This is mostly why, when Democratic consultants and campaign operatives hint at the similarities between Trump and Sanders or the rotation pundits on MSNBC do the same, or when Joe Biden describes the behavior of Sanders’s supporters (if not the candidate himself) as “Trump-like,” or when ostensibly conflicted Never Trumpers like The Washington Post’s Jennifer Rubin keep turning up parallels between the Democratic front-runner and the Republican president, it all feels kind of grasping and desperate and off. These are not exceptionally discerning minds, of course, but even if they remain stuck on describing the shape of what the candidates do instead of addressing what they propose, they surely can see the difference between the bloated marzipan golem who currently lords over a lawless archipelago of concentration camps for immigrants and the most reliably left-wing figure in Congress over the last three decades.

The question, then, is why they would bother to make this obviously facile and unconvincing comparison in the first place. That answer has two parts. One is that none of these people are really much good at their very important jobs. The other is that they are scared, because Sanders’s ongoing run toward the Democratic nomination suggests that a critical mass of voters has noticed as much, and is ignoring them. If there’s any real parallel to be drawn between Trump and Sanders, it’s how their respective rises have revealed the flubby redundancy of their respective parties’ establishments.