https://www.msnbc.com/msnbc/amp/rcna81570

In 2011, Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., seriously considered a primary challenge against then-President Barack Obama for the 2012 election. After Obama’s campaign team got wind of Sanders’ intentions and reportedly began to panic, then-Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid had to talk to Sanders twice to persuade him to call off the challenge.

A little over a decade later, another establishment-Democrat president — once the vice president of the man Sanders wanted to take on — is seeking re-election. But this time the socialist firebrand is eagerly siding with the president instead of daring to primary him.

The senator’s decision reflects a broader truth: how Biden has neutralized the left wing of the Democratic Party.

“The last thing this country needs is a Donald Trump or some other right-wing demagogue who is going to try to undermine American democracy or take away a woman’s right to choose, or not address the crisis of gun violence, or racism, sexism or homophobia,” Sanders told The Associated Press on Tuesday, after Biden announced he was running for re-election. “So, I’m in to do what I can to make sure that the president is reelected.”

It would be easy to ascribe Sanders’ decision to individual factors, such as avoiding another stressful primary after suffering a heart attack during the last campaign. But the senator’s decision reflects a broader truth: how Biden has neutralized the left wing of the Democratic Party.

One factor in that neutralization, including Sanders’ acquiescence, is that the establishment changed. Biden has governed further to the left than anyone expected, particularly on economic policy. Biden developed a close rapport with Sanders and made what appeared to be a substantial effort to get his input on policy ideas through a unity task force in 2020. The president surprised progressives with his positions on social spending, climate policy, manufacturing and labor. From this perspective, Biden has mollified the left wing of the party by building some trust and taking up some of its causes.

But the second way to read Sanders’ swift endorsement is as a sign of the left’s weakness. Were the left wing of the Democratic Party bigger, better organized and more adversarial, there might be more appetite for a primary challenge — maybe not from Sanders himself, but from some kind of democratic socialist. But the reality is that while Sanders’ insurgency in 2016 and 2020 shook up the party, the segment of the Democratic Party that’s to the left of Biden — and willing to generate friction over those commitments — remains very small and is still finding its footing. The leftist bloc of Congress is one senator and a handful of representatives in the House known as “the squad.” Moreover, they’re gentle gadflies when it comes to passing legislation: Given the slim margin of the Democratic majorities during the first two years of the Biden administration, they had enough numbers to cause chaos for Biden, but mostly chose not to.

What’s striking is that Sanders not only endorsed Biden, but seemed cool on the prospect of other challengers taking him on. “People will do what they want to do,” Sanders said of other potential primary challenges, according to The Associated Press. “I think Joe Biden will be the Democratic nominee. And my job, and I think the progressive movement’s job, is to make certain that he stands up and fights for the working class of this country and does not take anything for granted.”

Some on the left have expressed disappointment that Sanders endorsed Biden the day of his announcement. Sanders’ former press secretary Briahna Joy Gray, for example, argued that Sanders had the chance to withhold endorsement in exchange for a new set of policy promises. I agree that’s a missed opportunity; Biden could be pressured on plenty of progressive priorities: “Medicare for All,” abolishing the filibuster, backing labor unions more effectively, progressive immigration policy, stronger climate policies.

But beyond that, the problem seems more structural than a case of Sanders selling out. Sanders theoretically could have encouraged other challengers without running himself. That’s probably a healthy, democratic practice. On a strategic level, though, it’s hard to see who would be able to execute the job. Presidential candidates who have any chance of drawing formidable support have significant experience in high-level political office, genuine celebrity, or exceptional charisma. But socialist candidates and their allies are only a couple election cycles into national politics and don’t occupy any major positions. Some might counter that Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., might still be relatively new to politics but ticks the celebrity and charisma boxes. But just four years into her political career, there’s no clear payoff for her taking such a risk, and for now she seems inclined to stay on party leadership’s good side.

Sanders is the most viable candidate, and at this point he’s accurately assessed that he has no chance after two impressive but failed attempts. He has built up a rapport and trust with Biden; he likely believes that staying on the inside and keeping an open line to the White House is his best bet at influencing Biden’s agenda for the rest of his presidency. An almost-certainly-doomed third run would not only sour his relationship with an establishment that’s taking him seriously, but could weaken the party as it faces off against an existential threat to democracy: a second term for Donald Trump.

Socialist inroads into mainstream American political life are still very, very early in a power-building phase. If a left-wing president ever wants to have any chance of passing an iota of their agenda, it will require the party to be much more progressive overall. While presidential contests are high-profile opportunities for activism, the focus for the left now is better spent on organizing around left-wing policies and candidates on the local and state levels, and challenging members of Congress from the left wherever possible. It’s not as attractive a fantasy as seizing the White House in a surprise insurgency, but it’s the reality of politics. This is a long slog, and it’s just getting started.

https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/politics-news/minnesota-becoming-laboratory-progressive-policy-rcna79816

When Minnesota Democrats won back the majority in the state Senate last fall, they achieved the dream: a trifecta of control across the Legislature and the governor’s office.

They weren’t the only ones. Democrats did the same in Maryland, Massachusetts and Michigan, whereas Republicans failed to nab any new trifecta in the 2022 elections.

But it’s Minnesota that’s attracting attention as a laboratory for how to effectively use that power to achieve progressive policy priorities.

Nearly four months into the legislative session, Democrats in the state have already tackled protecting abortion rights, legalizing recreational marijuana and restricting gun access — and they have signaled their plans to take on issues like expanding paid family leave and providing legal refuge to trans youths whose access to gender-affirming and other medical care has been restricted elsewhere.

“These [policies] are things that have a direct and clear impact on improving people’s lives,” U.S. Sen. Tina Smith, D-Minn, said. “And that’s what Minnesotans are looking for. They’re looking for evidence — just as voters are nationally — that the government that they elect can deliver results for them.”

Interviews with a dozen federal and state lawmakers in Minnesota, as well as progressive activists in the state and across the country, paint a picture of a state fully controlled by Democrats that has offered protections on key Democratic social issues like abortion and LGBTQ rights while maintaining a robust economy and low crime — two subjects allies say simultaneously help curtail conservative narratives about Democratic-run cities.

And unlike in Michigan — another swing state where Democrats, also fresh off winning a trifecta, have leveraged that power to advance party priorities like abortion rights and gun safety — the sheer breadth and quantity of policies already, or soon to be, enacted in the Minnesota Legislature present a much more complete sample of Democratic ideals in the current moment, those officials and advocates said.

“When you’re looking at what’s possible with a trifecta, look at Minnesota,” said Daniel Squadron, the executive director of The States Project, a left-leaning group that works to build Democratic majorities in state legislatures.

“Fewer than 90 days into the new year they’ve done more things than a just a quote allows me to list to improve people’s lives,” he said.

Supporters also say Democrats’ accomplishments in Minnesota could offer clues about how the party could effectively send messages about crucial issues heading into the 2024 cycle.

“This isn’t about jamming down Democratic priorities. These are proven things that improve people’s lives,” Democratic Gov. Tim Walz said in an interview, adding that his party’s policy goals so far “are about not allowing our people to be demonized” because of “Republicans wanting to go to war on social issues.”

Squadron said, “Not only are Minnesotans are going to benefit from it, but the rest of the country could, as well.”

Dem Justice Anita Earls' dissent makes the important point that this isn't a GOP court replacing the Dem court's Dem-leaning map with a GOP-leaning map.

The prior Dem majority drew a fair map that gave NC a 7-7 House delegation betting a 50-50 swing state https://t.co/91WGdEeajm pic.twitter.com/r2wyQ86Fip

— Stephen Wolf (@PoliticsWolf) April 28, 2023