Upset House Loss Is a Major Progressive Disappointment in Rhode Island

DESPITE LOW NAME RECOGNITION in the district, Amo’s service in the Biden White House as deputy director of the Office of Intergovernmental Affairs, where he mainly oversaw coordination between state and local governments for disaster preparedness and COVID-19, enabled him to win high-profile endorsements—like former chief of staff Ron Klain—and connect to the Democratic mainstream.

While emphasizing his government experience, Amo focused his campaign on standard Democratic issues such as protecting Social Security and Medicare and instituting gun safety measures. Amo ran a solid campaign, but it’s striking that, for all the doom and gloom about President Biden’s approval ratings, a relatively unknown candidate can win a House seat in large part on his Biden résumé.

Amo also had a powerful attack dog. Patrick Kennedy, the former representative of the district until 2011, endorsed Amo with a lyrical campaign ad that played heavily on Camelot nostalgia, with cameos from John, Robert, and Teddy.

But in the final days before the election, Kennedy went on a tirade against Regunberg, painting him as “too extreme” for the district. Kennedy in particular took issue with the progressive hopeful’s promise to cut defense spending, which he claimed would hurt defense industry jobs in the state.

“The notion that he would come out against the largest economic driver, the defense economy, left me flabbergasted … The notion that you can be a good Democrat and liberal and not also support a strong national defense and good jobs here at home makes no sense,” Kennedy said at a press briefing.

In response, the Regunberg campaign shot back.

“The campaign’s more than comfortable with a closing argument centering around the urgent need for Medicare for All and tackling the greed of the military-industrial complex,” said a source close to the Regunberg campaign.

But in the end, the stamp of approval from the Kennedy legacy won out over Regunberg’s progressive bona fides.

WHILE REGUNBERG SPORTED NATIONAL ENDORSEMENTS from Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) and the Congressional Progressive Caucus, he didn’t benefit from some of the progressive campaign infrastructure that was successful in 2018 and 2020 House races. Justice Democrats, which helped power several progressives to victory, has struggled with financing and undergone several rounds of layoffs in recent months.

Progressive campaigns hit a speed bump last cycle with a flood of money from pro-Israel groups like the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) in winnable primaries, mostly attacking progressive candidates. Campaigns have become so paranoid about this that they have focused heavily on bulletproofing themselves from this onslaught. Regunberg, whose uncle is Rep. Brad Schneider (D-IL), a major pro-Israel Democrat, worked hard to keep AIPAC funding out of the race. Only the Working Families Party supported Regunberg, however, not other campaign groups, despite it being the only contested House primary of the year.

Regunberg received final endorsements in the last days of the campaign from Squad member Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) and also Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-CT), a longtime progressive in New England and close ally of Cicilline’s. Though Cicilline did not endorse, he named in an exit interview both DeLauro and Rep. Jamie Raskin (who also supported Regunberg) as his “two favorite members of Congress,” all but putting a stamp on Regunberg as the desired successor. Regunberg was also endorsed by the Congressional Progressive Caucus, of which Cicilline is a member and former vice chair.

Sen. Sanders even visited the district in late August to hold a rally alongside Regunberg and about 600 supporters, seeking to put an exclamation point on the front-runner’s candidacy. The enthusiasm seemed to offer a glimmer of hope to Regunberg’s supporters that the candidate could prevail.

But the event also highlighted an intra-left skirmish that had dogged the campaign since the beginning. The local chapter of the DSA in Providence objected to Sanders’s “compromise endorsement” and stumping for a “wealthy Super PAC candidate.” The local DSA issued an anti-endorsement of Regunberg along with another local left-wing group, largely for his support for state party leadership while he sat in the legislature. They did not endorse an alternative candidate instead.

It remains an open question what bearing the feud had on the race, though it forced the Regunberg campaign to put resources into consolidating the progressive vote over other contenders. State Rep. Sandra Cano also ran in the progressive lane with endorsement support mainly from the state teachers unions due to her consistent support for school funding.

Now, those left groups will have to bring Amo around to their priorities, when he didn’t need their support at all to win the primary.

The fractured left and the inability to convert on a winnable race, meanwhile, should alarm national progressive groups as they limp into the next election cycle.