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Happy Labor Day la58! Thank you for providing us news on the labor front. 👊❤️


Thanks la58


As the COVID-19 delta variant surges and pandemic-relief benefits near their expiration dates, Walsh sees an opportunity. He argues that the uneven economic recovery unfolding from coast to coast isn’t just a chance to bring the labor market back to its pre-pandemic baseline, but a political opening to revolutionize conditions for workers going forward. “It’s a once-in-a-generation opportunity that’s in front of us,” he says at the daycare. The question for real people like Morgan is whether Walsh, a plain-spoken former mayor, can deliver on that political promise.

Dayton is the 33rd city Walsh has visited in four months promoting the Biden Administration’s labor plans. Top of the agenda: the Administration’s efforts to enact a national 12-week paid family leave policy and a sliding-scale child care system where no family pays more than 7% of their income for care. At visits to job training centers in Oregon and Pennsylvania and at car racing tracks in Indiana, he touts apprenticeship programs that can create new pathways to the middle class; markets widespread vaccinations as an economic fix as well as a public health obligation; and discusses strategies for modern unions to grow their ranks.

But the most sweeping changes to the country’s social safety net ultimately require congressional approval, and in a 50-50 split Senate, Democrats would require buy-in from 10 Republicans to pass most legislation. Democrats in the chamber seem eager to push temporary versions of some of these measures through the process of budget reconciliation, which would need only a simple majority. But there’s no room for error. Taking that route, they can’t lose a single vote from moderate members of their party who are skittish about President Joe Biden’s expansive spending. A spokesperson for one of the most moderate Democrats, Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, was explicit about the Arizona lawmaker’s hesitance to overspend: “She will not support a budget reconciliation bill that costs $3.5 trillion,” the aide said in late August.

That explains why Walsh is trying to convince Americans that unprecedented investments in workers would help the economy rather than further hamstring it. He argues the soon-to-expire extra $300 weekly unemployment supplement the federal government made available to states during the pandemic isn’t what’s keeping low-income laborers home. “Every day, by every reporter, I get asked the same thing: Why aren’t people coming back to work? Is it the $300? I don’t think it’s the $300,” Walsh says. “I think it’s the lack of childcare, schools being closed and fear of COVID-19.”

But if Walsh lacks the traditional trimmings of a cabinet secretary, it may make him more appealing to the average American he was appointed to serve. Walsh is not a graduate of an elite law school or the son of a late Supreme Court Justice like his Labor Secretary predecessor, Eugene Scalia. Rather he’s the offspring of blue-collar Irish immigrants, a survivor of childhood cancer and a recovered alcoholic who dropped out of college before earning a Bachelor’s degree from Boston College in his 40s. “It’s nice to see real people representing us,” says Morgan, the Ohio mom. “I didn’t know that he was like us. But what I did see was that he listened.”

Walsh is also the first union-card-holding Labor Secretary in more than 40 years, and two weeks after the childcare roundtable, he hosts a virtual forum on Facebook Live with workers involved in union organizing campaigns. His induction into the labor movement began when he was a kid around the dinner table in Dorchester, Mass., Walsh says. “The kitchen I grew up in, we were always talking about the labor movement—the importance of fighting for working conditions, health benefits, pension credits, annuities, and on the job safety,” he tells the assembled workers. “That house prepared me, quite honestly, to become Secretary of Labor.”



A mystery sits at the heart of the economic recovery: There are 10 million job openings, yet more than 8.4 million unemployed are still actively looking for work.

The job market looks, in some ways, like a boom-time situation. Business owners complain they can’t find enough workers, pay is rising rapidly, and customers are greeted with “please be patient, we’re short-staffed” signs at many stores and restaurants.

This weekend, the employment crisis will hit an inflection point as many of the unemployed lose $300 in federal weekly benefits and millions of gig workers and self-employed lose unemployment aid entirely. Some anticipate a surge in job seekers, though in 22 states that already phased out those benefits, workers didn’t flood back to jobs.

At heart, there is a massive reallocation underway in the economy that’s triggering a “Great Reassessment” of work in America from both the employer and employee perspectives. Workers are shifting where they want to work — and how. For some, this is a personal choice. The pandemic and all of the anxieties, lockdowns and time at home have changed people. Some want to work remotely forever. Others want to spend more time with family. And others want a more flexible or more meaningful career path. It’s the “you only live once” mentality on steroids.

The reassessment is playing out in all facets of the labor market this year, as people make very different decisions about work than they did pre-pandemic. Resignations are the highest on record — up 13 percent over pre-pandemic levels. There are 4.9 million more people who aren’t working or looking for work than there were before the pandemic. There’s a surge in retirements with 3.6 million people retiring during the pandemic, or more than 2 million more than expected. And there’s been a boost in entrepreneurship that has caused the biggest jump in years in new business applications.

“The economy is going through a big shift overall and that has ramifications,” said Ben Bernanke, the Federal Reserve chair from 2006 to 2014. “We are reallocating where we want to work and how we want to work. People are trying to figure out what their best options are and where they want to be.”

It doesn’t help that the abundance of job openings right now are not in the same occupations — or same locations — where people worked pre-pandemic.

Booming business at dollar stores shows the widening gulf between haves and have-nots during pandemic
There is a fundamental mismatch between what industries have the most job openings now and how many unemployed people used to work in that industry pre-pandemic. For example, there are 1.8 million job openings in professional and business services and fewer than 925,000 people whose most recent job was in that sector. Leisure and hospitality, as well as retail and wholesale trade, also have more openings than prior workers, and many workers who lost jobs in those industries have indicated they don’t want to return.

There’s a similar mismatch in education and health services, where there are 1.7 million job openings and only 1.1 million people whose last job was in that sector.


I was surprised to hear that the unemployment rate is 5.2%, but then I looked further and see that it’s 7.3% in CT.


T&R, lala! it had to be you, today. :O)



yahoo finance and fox news confirm, citing U.S. Centers for Disease Control


I wonder how many of those kids deaths were from parents that were adamate that thier kids wont wear a mask because of Freedum!!!!


top part sez the unborn.


i sympathize with the idea or revolution. but a real one that fought for the actual people in the country would likely involve a good part of the population of said country. if only the military would stand aside for that. you never know…


White supremacy in San Francisco


When Croydon’s story finally came out, I could not believe my eyes! There was no mention of Shahid committing sexual assault at all. In fact, what was published was an entirely different story from the previous one that both Emily shared with me and others to paint a picture of Shahid.
Several women reached out in support of Shahid Buttar against the allegations by Emily Croydon, creating a portrait of someone with a history of erratic, unfounded claims about people running for office. Tellingly: When Croydon’s story finally broke via a Medium post she wrote, there was no mention of Shahid committing sexual assault at all.

To this day, I can’t find one person who believes in the sexual assault allegation within those clubs, but that didn’t stop them from pushing it anyway.

DSA leaders now claim not to know who wrote or signed that original resolution, even though the original drafter, Jasper Wilde, admitted to having written it and the resolution was reported to have been signed by 40 DSA members. One member pushing the smears, Raya Steier, even had the audacity to unequivocally state in a DSA-SF meeting that “Brown men rape.”

When DSA-SF eventually held its chapter-wide discussion on whether to rescind its endorsement of Shahid, I wasn’t allowed to speak in the closed session because I’m not a chapter member. Nor were any number of character witnesses who were poised to inform the group that this resolution was entirely fabricated.

One by one, I watched the progressive clubs fall in line with their own twist on white supremacy.

The worst of meetings was the DSA-Silicon Valley un-endorsement of Shahid, which took place later in August. I felt like I watched a KKK rally. A now elected official, Redwood City Council member Lissette Espinoza-Garnica, despite having never even met Shahid, spoke presumptuously at length with no proof about Shahid’s supposed decades of undiscovered sexual predation.

The least racist was SF Berniecrats, but that’s not a compliment. When the smearers did not get enough votes from their membership to remove their endorsement of Shahid, it gave me hope that people could see through the shenanigans.

But, the same night, the club’s leadership changed their bylaws in order to give the club the ability to rescind endorsements without specifying a reason. The bylaw was changed to support a bad faith accusation. It wasn’t just against the interests of the club’s members. It was racist.

Each of these clubs ended up leaning into the lies, ignoring the white supremacy.

After this process was contrived by the Berniecrats, Raya Steier again offensively suggested on the group’s Facebook page that they seek a rape mediator, further poisoning the well with insinuations of severe misconduct lacking any evidence. He was never accused of rape or sexual assault by anyone. Pissed me off.

The SF Berniecrats was my favorite political club as the only one in the city to endorse me outside my own neighborhood my first time running for office. It hurt to see the then Chair Brandon Harami influence the process to contrive support for his lying friend Jasper Wilde. Even to this day, he continues to smear Shahid, and now, me, too.

Members of the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, which was recently accused of racism based on the organization’s comments about our city’s Black mayor, turned to outright threats against me for speaking in favor of Shahid.

One of the club’s board members and officers, Jackie Thornhill, a city legislative aide at the time, had the audacity to bully me during the meeting saying that, in defending Shahid, I’d “go down with the ship.” She repeated this again this year. What the hell?

The Milk Club followed the rest of the pattern, also voting not to endorse Buttar – but Pelosi instead. In the coming months, the club also appointed to its board Jasper Wilde and Raya Steier, both of whom organized the campaign to smear Shahid and promoted false accusations of sexual misconduct.

I spoke out in a club meeting to challenge their complicity in white supremacy. No one listened. I decided to take my concerns to a wider audience. I posted a petition to change.org in February 2021 calling out the racism in the Milk Club in particular, where the architects of the lies about Shahid had been promoted to positions of organizational leadership. It received 501 signatures.

My petition was hacked – not once, but twice – before being taken down entirely by persons unknown. Each time it was hacked, it was changed to remove the name of Jackie Thornhill, the city employee who threatened me. Jackie also disingenuously accused me of transphobia in early 2021. I felt this was in retaliation for me defending Shahid and the truth.

Each of these clubs ended up leaning into the lies, ignoring the white supremacy despite my efforts to call attention to it. It was incredibly frustrating, not only because I watched an innocent immigrant get publicly characterized as a predator based on nothing more than his interest in helping protect the future from the corruption of an establishment protected by his critics, but also because my own voice was widely ignored –even by non-whites who claim to stand for racial justice!


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a tweet by Margaret Flowers, saying Croydon tried the same thing with Margaret’s partner when he ran for office. Margaret is very pro M4A.

Aint Supposed to Die A Natural Death
Aint Supposed to Die A Natural Death



I had a funny feeling with as corrupt and powerful as Pelousy is, Shahid would get smeared. Seen it happen many, many times here in Floridumb.



Corporate money has a powerful and malign influence on so many aspects of American life. But even by that low standard, events this week in a New York bankruptcy court are shocking. The legal system has effectively allowed one of the country’s richest families to buy its way out of accountability for what a White House commission called “America’s national nightmare” of mass opioid addiction.

On Wednesday, the court approved a deal for the dissolution of the opioid manufacturer Purdue Pharma, which kicked off the opioid epidemic two decades ago with its illegal drive to sell a high-strength painkiller, OxyContin. Purdue’s owners, members of two branches of the now-notorious Sackler family, are estimated to have made more than $10bn from the drug – even as the opioid crisis claimed more than 600,000 lives, with the toll climbing higher by the year.

Astonishingly, the Sacklers seem to have been able to work the bankruptcy process to buy themselves immunity from accountability in the civil courts – in return for handing over only a small fraction of the money they made from OxyContin – and still remain one of the richest families in the country. All while continuing to deny their responsibility for their role in creating the opioid crisis.

At this point Purdue Pharma’s reputation is little better than that of a Mexican cartel. The company has twice pleaded guilty to felonies, in 2007 and last year, including lying about the risk of addiction from OxyContin, bribing doctors to prescribe it and defrauding the federal government. But that barely scratches the surface of the company’s corruption in pursuit of profit: it used its money and influence to warp the practice of medicine, compromise drug regulators and keep open the doors to mass prescribing of opioids even as evidence of an epidemic grew.

Those Sacklers behind Purdue were not bystanders. Several members of the family served on the company’s board and as senior executives, and some were directly involved in the drive to push OxyContin on unsuspecting Americans. And they happily creamed off the profits.

Yet the bankruptcy process has granted them sweeping immunity from further civil lawsuits over the opioid crisis without acknowledgment of wrongdoing. In fact, in exchange for a payment of $4.5bn, less than half of their earnings from Purdue, the Sacklers as individuals won’t have to declare personal bankruptcy.

In addition, as a Georgetown university law professor, Adam Levitin, told Congress in July, the Sacklers have worked the system so that they “will actually emerge from Purdue’s bankruptcy richer than they went into it” because the payments will be spread over nearly a decade during which the family’s assets are likely to grow by more than $4.5bn.

The US justice department has questioned whether the agreement is legal because it deprives those victimised by the Sacklers, who oversaw and profited from Purdue Pharma’s criminal behaviour, of their right to a day in court. Other critics of the decision have wondered how a bankruptcy court can grant legal immunity to people who have not declared bankruptcy.

But that is the practice that has evolved under laws, many written under the influence of corporations, that enable businesses to in effect hand-pick the judges who will handle their bankruptcy cases.

The US has 375 bankruptcy judges but, as Levitin told Congress, just three oversaw the majority of cases filed by large companies last year. Purdue Pharma chose to file with one of those three, Judge Robert Drain, to decide the conditions of its bankruptcy.

Although Purdue is based in Connecticut, it filed for bankruptcy in White Plains, New York, where Drain is the only bankruptcy judge. It’s unlikely to have gone unnoticed by the Sacklers’ lawyers that Drain had an unusual record of staying lawsuits against third parties who have not filed for bankruptcy.

One of Drain’s first steps was to block efforts to sue individual members of the Sackler family, even though they were separate from the Purdue bankruptcy case. Then he permitted the Sacklers to effectively hold the plaintiffs hostage by offering a stark choice between settling for a cut of the profits of misery in return for wiping the legal slate clean or facing years of court battles.

States, municipalities and families desperate for money to cope with the huge social consequences of the epidemic were left with little choice but to agree, although many expressed their distaste.

Others intend to challenge the deal in different courts, including Washington state’s attorney general, Bob Ferguson, who called the plan “morally and legally bankrupt”.

All of this might be more palatable if the Sacklers had shown remorse for the blood on their hands.

Dr Richard Sackler, a former president and chairman of Purdue Pharma, was instrumental in persuading the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) to approve OxyContin on the false grounds that it was less addictive than other prescription opioids. He then promised that “a blizzard of prescriptions” for the drug would bury the competition.

When Sackler was asked at the bankruptcy hearing whether he, his family or his firm bore any responsibility for the opioid epidemic, he simply replied: “No”.

Instead, Sackler and other members of his family have spent their time smearing the victims. They have claimed that OxyContin was a legal drug used illegally and that responsibility therefore falls on the “criminal addicts” who overdosed.


OxyContin also causes GI tract problems. That is a fact. If any med pro tries to prescribe it for me, I say (ASAP), NO!! That stuff is poison.


My Rant.
Byedone is closing on 1 year in office and what has been done on the big ticket items. M4A, voter rights, climate chsnge, infrstructure womens rights and so on. All we’ve acomplished is one delay after another. The Dems are far from unified and are a bunch of chickenshits not to use the power they have. I seen Walker and the R’s in Wi Ram through every piece of major legislation they wanted done in Wi over 8 years and they didnt give a shit what D’s or people in WI thought even if it went to far. They had total power and they used it to the max. Byedone and the Dems are downright scared to unify and use the power they have. Aboilsh the filibuster, unify and start passing laws in the senate using Harris to break the tie. 22 is comming fast and nothing is getting done. Hell right now the Dems would have trouble finding blood in a butcher shop thier so lost. Progressives exempt from my rant of course!!!!


They did pass the $1.9 trillion stimulus package against unified Republican opposition. That’s a pretty big deal. By fall we will know if the reconciliation bill has passed and what’s in it. If it does make it through at anywhere close to the $3.5 trillion planned, it, combined with the stimulus, will be by far the biggest social spending since the New Deal. All this would have been unthinkable with the Dems under Obama or the Clintons.

Unfortunately, there are some Senate Dems (at least two) who don’t want to get rid of the filibuster. Whether Biden is doing enough to convince them or whether there’s nothing that will convince them is of course an open question.

Paul ADK

Gotta wonder what’s just beneath the surface, with those two.