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By contrast, the United States—with the highest death rate and most haphazard response to COVID-19 of any advanced nation—is opening chaotically, each state on its own. Some states are lifting restrictions overnight.

Researchers expect the reopenings to cause thousands of additional deaths.

Finally, Trump and his enablers argue that reopening is a matter of “freedom.” He has called on citizens to “liberate” their states from public-health restrictions, and Fox News personalities have decried what they call denials of “basic freedoms.”

Armed protesters have stormed the Michigan state capitol demanding the “freedom” to work. At the Kentucky statehouse, protesters shouted, “We want to work!” and “We’re free citizens!”

But the supposed “freedom” to work is a cruel joke when people are forced to choose between putting food on the table and risking their lives. It’s the same perverse ideology that put workers in harm’s way in the dawn of the industrial age, when robber barons demanded that workers be “free” to work in dangerous factories 12 hours a day.

In truth, there is no good reason to reopen when the pandemic is still raging—not getting the economy moving again, or workers clamoring to return to work, or the cost of extended income support, or because workers should be “free” to endanger themselves.

Let’s be clear. The pressure to reopen the economy is coming from businesses that want to return to profitability, and from Trump, who wants to run for re-election in an economy that appears to be recovering.

Neither is reason enough.



But infectious disease experts warned that DeSantis’ boasts might be premature.

A new model developed by the PolicyLab at Children’s Hospital in Philadelphia projects that a “second wave” of coronavirus infections will hit Southeast Florida and southern states over the next four weeks, according to the Washington Post.

“As communities reopen, we’re starting to detect evidence of resurgence in cases in places that have overreached a bit,” David Rubin, the director of PolicyLab, told the outlet.

Rubin said that South Florida is expected to get particularly hard.

“That Southeast coast, they’re just starting to open up and relax,” he said. “It’s a densely crowded area. There’s a lot of tinder down there.”

Paul ADK
Paul ADK

Trump is actively engaged in crimes against humanity. Even Twitter is waking up to that.



SENATE REPUBLICANS’ TOP priority for the next coronavirus relief bill, which would protect employers that face lawsuits if their workers get sick or die of Covid-19 — the disease caused by the novel coronavirus — on the job, is the culmination of a decade-old effort by conservative groups like the American Legislative Exchange Council, or ALEC.

Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has been focused on corporate immunity for weeks, warning that looming lawsuits related to the coronavirus could crush the nation’s recovery efforts going forward. Republican proposals would limit liability for certain eligible companies that have resumed in-person operations, provided that businesses follow existing safety and health guidelines specific to Covid-19. In remarks on the Senate floor earlier this month, McConnell thanked fellow Republican Sen. John Cornyn of Texas for “thinking proactively about the issue of legal liability.”

Republicans have said they won’t support the next relief bill if it doesn’t include corporate immunity, while Democrats, despite being critical, have not ruled out supporting it. On a press call in late April, Democratic Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said McConnell was protecting corporate executives and “wants to make it harder for workers to show up at their jobs and to hold their employers accountable for providing safe working conditions.”

Asked if she was open to McConnell’s push for corporate liability protections, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said “we have no red lines” but that the “best protection for our workers and for their employers is to follow very good OSHA mandatory guidelines. And we have that in our bill,” referring to elements from the Workers Bill of Rights led by Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren and California Rep. Ro Khanna related to hazard pay and personal protective equipment. The speaker “did not dismiss the possibility that liability protections would be part of a bipartisan package,” CBS reported.

The CARES Act, as well as the HEROES Act, the relief bill passed by House Democrats on May 15, have included corporate bailouts and special operating privileges for health insurance, lobbying, defense, and financial industries, as well as a millionaire tax break that several Democrats did not even realize was in the legislation. Progressives have faced criticism, including from The Intercept, for waving those bills through.

Responding to that criticism, Khanna said progressives are limited in their ability to influence legislation because CPC leadership is not in the negotiating room with party leaders, adding that the caucus needed to build better relationships with leaders and committee chairs. “The challenge is that, the progressives can’t vote down bills that are gonna put money in the pockets of working families, but they get all of these negative things attached to them,” Khanna said, adding that the caucus is negotiating for priorities like immediate cash payments and proposals for Medicare for All in the next phase of relief. “The only thing I can think of is to have negotiators who are in the room — that could make a difference,” he said. “It’s tough without seeing the bill. It’s tough without having one of our own in these negotiating conversations.”


“…Democrats, despite being critical, have not ruled out supporting it. “

Let me guess — the Democrats will “negotiate” to protect businesses from liability for making customers sick due to negligence as well!


This will be the Dem negoation resolve


Not buying your excuses Ro. Yes you can vote down these shit bills that leave American workers defenseless to the depravity of their employers. You are an elected official, get your ass on television and demand a clean bill. People have no idea the extent to which they are being screwed during this crisis.



For Bernie Sanders’ fiercest supporters, the end of his presidential bid last month did not mean the demise of “not me, us,” the community-rallying cry of the Vermont senator’s campaign and movement. But that message is now being put to the test, as they confront how to either support former Vice President Joe Biden, whose policy positions they mostly abhor, or continue fighting for their priorities without making an alliance with the man now leading presidential polls. A group of 18 progressive activists and Sanders supporters have chosen peace, accepting appointments to Biden-Sanders “unity task forces” on six issues: climate change, criminal justice reform, the economy, education, health care, and immigration. Sanders handpicked three members for each panel, and personally asked them to participate.

Those who joined the task forces have had to come to terms with helping a candidate who they openly railed against for months.

“I think [Sanders] is right to bring a lot of what he has built to the Biden movement and say, ‘Listen, you won the primary, but you may not have won the war of ideas,’” said Abdul El-Sayed, a physician and former Michigan gubernatorial candidate whom Sanders appointed to the unity health care panel. “So how do we empower the Democratic Party nominee to have the best ideas going forward, most importantly, to heal and rebuild this country, but then also to win in November?”

El-Sayed is not under any illusions that Biden’s final platform would look like the progressive agenda he has been fighting for, but he thinks Sanders supporters must try anyway. “Even if you can’t score a touchdown — I’m going to use a football analogy — you should take the field goal,” he said. “And then come back the next drive and try to score a touchdown.”

There’s a sector of the movement that has viewed these unity efforts with cynicism, calling it a “show for the left.” Biden would never sign on to Medicare for All or tuition-free public college, for example. Why should the movement be comfortable with settling for anything less than that? The Biden-resistant position comes from a deep distrust of the party establishment and its approach to some of the nation’s most urgent issues. What is the point of coming to the table when you believe the table is irreparably broken?

Darrick Hamilton from Ohio State University, who joined the economy task force, has battled with those feelings but said that he would be a hypocrite if he did not take this opportunity to try to influence Biden. “I have a moral responsibility to engage, grounded in my values, and bring about an agenda that will be more economically inclusive, civically engaged, and socially equitable,” he said.

Would he have preferred if this agenda happened under Sanders as the Democratic nominee? Absolutely. But with the threat of another four years of a Trump presidency, Hamilton said he understands the stakes. “I’m not into settling either,” he said. “The extent to which we can bring about, in a persuasive way, a transformative economy that is authentically grounded in a government using its public power to facilitate its people to be their best selves — that’s what I hope the voters see as the potential [of these panels].”

Stacey Walker, chairman of the Linn County Board of Supervisors and co-chair of Sanders’ campaign in Iowa, views his decision to be in the criminal justice reform task force as a matter of pragmatism vs. idealism. “We can be upset and let that feeling of disappointment and angst just completely remove us from the process altogether, or we can be upset and channel that energy to do something constructive,” he said. “As a policymaker in the middle of the country, in a predominantly white space, advocating on behalf of all minority groups here and taking an interest in criminal justice reform, that means doing the best I can to advance Sen. Sanders’ ideas so that they make it into the Democratic platform and the vice president’s policy positions in the general election.”

How successful these conversations will end up being remains to be seen. There’s the chance that progressives will walk away from these panels without obtaining any concessions, and the whole thing ends up being an empty gesture from the Biden team, as cynics believe. But a window has opened — maybe the only one in the next four years — for them to weigh in on Democrats’ policy agenda from the inside and push the party to the left.

“Joe Biden didn’t have to do this. It is a credit to our movement that he did,” El-Sayed said. “Now, the responsibility we have is to make it mean something, right? You’re the reason we have a seat at the table, now let’s make our seat at the table count.”



As Governor Andrew Cuomo faced a spirited challenge in his bid to win New York’s 2018 Democratic primary, his political apparatus got a last-minute boost: a powerful health care industry group suddenly poured more than $1 million into a Democratic committee backing his campaign.

Less than two years after that flood of cash from the Greater New York Hospital Association (GNYHA), Cuomo signed legislation last month quietly shielding hospital and nursing-home executives from the threat of lawsuits stemming from the coronavirus outbreak. The provision, inserted into an annual budget bill by Cuomo’s aides, created one of the nation’s most explicit immunity protections for health care industry officials, according to legal experts.

Critics say Cuomo removed a key deterrent against nursing home and hospital corporations cutting corners in ways that jeopardize lives. As those critics now try to repeal the provision during this final week of Albany’s legislative session, they assert that data prove such immunity is correlating to higher nursing-home death rates during the pandemic — both in New York and in other states enacting similar immunity policies.

New York has become one of the globe’s major pandemic hot spots — and the epicenter of the state’s outbreak has been nursing homes, where more than five thousand New Yorkers have died, according to Associated Press data.

Those deaths have occurred as Cuomo’s critics say he has taken a hands-off approach to regulating the health care industry interests that helped bankroll his election campaign. In March, Cuomo’s administration issued an order that allowed nursing homes to readmit sick patients without testing them for COVID-19. Amid allegations of undercounted casualties, the governor also pushed back against pressure to have state regulators more stringently record and report death rates in nursing homes.

And then came Cuomo’s annual budget — which included a little-noticed passage shielding corporate officials who run New York hospitals, nursing homes, and other health care facilities from liability for COVID-related deaths and injuries.

Don midwest
Don midwest

NYT whitewash Afghanistan

Military, corporate, bankers, oil, etc.

and both parties

good article on moon of Alabama

NYT Writeup Of U.S. War On Afghanistan Ignores U.S. Atrocities

2001 to 2007 Taliban disbanded but we continued to be the occupying power and the people didn’t want it …


T and R, pb4!!


I’ll join you in the tips…+27

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